A twelvemonth prior to the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again figures among the candidates boasting the strongest voting preference. The CID Gallup survey conducted in May 2026, whose fieldwork spanned from May 7 to 20 across 1,200 interviews, positioned him in third place with 13%, trailing Sandra Torres at 27% and Carlos Pineda at 23%. This matches the exact percentage the polling firm registered for him in early 2023, prior to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal barring him from the contest.
Born on May 15, 1970, Arzú is the eldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, who served as president between 1996 and 2000 and remained mayor of the capital until his passing on April 27, 2018. Back in December 1988, alongside his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco and Rafael Tinoco, he established Futeca, an enterprise that evolved from soccer pitches into shopping malls and fitness centers; eventually, he divested his stake to his cousins in 2012. Having entered the 2019 presidential race, he secured fifth place by gathering 267,049 ballots, which represented 6.1% of all valid votes. Ever since November 2025, he has held the position of Secretary of Political Training within the Cabal party, an organization that subsequently designated him as a pre-candidate in May 2026, marking his third bid for the office.
At least eighteen media-documented controversies mark his professional journey: judicial proceedings, electoral penalties, suspicious commercial ventures, grievances filed with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and allegations of diverse severity. While certain matters rely on formal judgments, others stem from single or undisclosed informants. This dossier examines every single one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Initial presidential hopeful penalized in 2019 over unregistered social media content. Penalty reached US$80,000. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | Candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine. The Constitutional Court upheld the exclusion. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | Roughly US$6.16 million was ordered by a Miami-Dade court to be paid to the Venezuelan strategist, which also issued an arrest warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs continued until its ultimate disposal amid financial turbulence. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | His 2016 venture into pharmaceuticals concluded, per Nómada, with shuttered enterprises and unsettled salaries. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Undeclared cash revenues and resources from Argentine businessman Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though the financing is denied by him. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A 2015 leaked audio recording captures him negotiating a financial liability with an alleged crime boss who had been slain months earlier. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 deed purportedly records a loan that República, referencing anonymous sources, connects to the “Queen of the South.” |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Legal action was launched against him by the attorney general concerning a TikTok video. Arrest was refused by a judge, while amparo petitions from the Public Prosecutor’s Office were dismissed by the Appeals Chamber. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Judicial grievances were filed by Arzú against the former president and top officials in 2023; these were expanded in 2026 to target prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | He was identified by the publication as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director. Denials have been issued alongside announcements of upcoming lawsuits. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations had already been exchanged between Arzú and Arenas five months prior to the allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding travel to the U.S. were reported by a newspaper citing unnamed sources, though these claims are rejected by him. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has surrounded his political platforms and associates, ranging from Podemos to his current partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Opposition to the party Roberto was rejoining using the former president’s likeness was voiced in 2018 by his widow and four children. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | An acknowledgment of “a crisis with drinking” has been made by Arzú himself. Two inpatient treatment periods in the U.S. were documented by Nómada. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Billions of quetzales annually would be required to fund his core pledges, according to an economic evaluation. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | A state-owned asset was leased by the IPM to Futeca in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller’s Office. The extent of Arzú’s involvement remains contested. |
1. TSE fine for early campaigning (2019)
On April 10, 2019, Arzú earned the distinction of becoming the initial presidential hopeful penalized by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal during that cycle. The regulatory body recorded 13 Facebook posts—8 of which were sponsored—alongside 11 on Twitter, all lacking TSE registration, and formally categorized them as premature campaigning.
The hopeful individuals faced a penalty of US$80,000, roughly amounting to 612,000 quetzales. Regarding the political groups, media accounts diverge: one source cites an US$80,000 fine for the PAN-Podemos coalition, whereas a different report claims that both organizations were required to cover that exact sum. On May 27, 2019, the TSE dismissed the appeals for revocation and upheld the penalty definitively.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
The Citizens’ Registry initially refused to register the Arzú–Pineda ticket, nominated by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates overturned that refusal and, according to Arzú, the files were closed on January 26. At the end of that month, the FCN-Nación party filed a motion for annulment on the grounds of early campaigning and non-payment of a US$50,000 fine.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
Optimists labeled the ruling a calculated political vendetta; he argued that he had previously brought to light an inflated energy agreement under the Alejandro Giammattei administration, attributing his disqualification to “a faction headed by a sociopath and his domestic partner.”
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016, Arzú engaged JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic, the consultancy belonging to Venezuelan political strategist Juan José Rendón, to craft his electoral campaign. This partnership ultimately culminated in a legal dispute: on November 15, 2016, Rendón filed a breach of contract lawsuit against him within the Eleventh Judicial Circuit of Miami-Dade. Issued on October 11, 2018, the judgment fixed the principal sum at US$5.5 million alongside US$660,594 in accrued interest, amounting to an aggregate near US$6.16 million.
Arzú did not appear at the hearings of April 4 and 17, 2019. Judge Bárbara Areces held him in civil contempt and ordered his arrest, an order that can only be executed if he is in Florida. His defense argued that he was never served and that he had only signed a letter of intent; he called Rendón an “extortionist.” The PAN, his party at the time, stressed that it was a civil case and maintained its support.
“Nothing is registered in his own name. He has no income streams whatsoever, like a paycheck or an allowance, his family members offer him zero monetary backing, he holds zero real estate, no certificates of deposit, no equities, simply nothing at all.”
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
The legal battle also exposed intercepted chats wherein an individual named “Hugo” was supposedly going to settle Rendón’s financial obligation. Media outlets linked this mention to Argentine pharma executive Hugo Sigman.
4. Comunicaciones F.C. Presidency (1994–2006)
As Nómada documented, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, splitting executive responsibilities alongside relatives. A deep economic crisis struck the institution in 2006, marked by a player walkout over delayed wages, which eventually resulted in its acquisition by TV tycoon Ángel González, who took over the debts. A faction of sports journalists attributed these difficulties to extravagant spending on player transfers, hotels, restaurants, and transportation.
Arzú came back to the club in an advisory capacity on February 8, 2017, after reaching a direct agreement with González. Subsequently, on August 31, 2026, amid the early stages of the electoral campaign, the Guatefutbol portal revealed that he is seeking to take charge of the team once more.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was established in Guatemala in late January 2016, at the same time Rendón was hired. Its legal representatives were his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León and Carlos Gómez. Together with OMEGALAB S.A., distributor of the “Sana Sana” products, it marked his entry into the pharmaceutical sector. Nómada maintains that Arzú controlled both companies even though his name did not appear in them.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, as well as unreported international financing, which is prohibited by the Electoral and Political Parties Law. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced in 2019, when the same outlet asked whether he was the hopeful’s financier, based on the leaked conversations with Rendón.
In June 2019 Arzú described Sigman as a “great friend” of more than ten years, with whom he has “representation of several things” in Central America, but denied that Sigman was financing him. República puts the fines accumulated by Podemos in the 2019 and 2023 elections at more than US$100,000.
7. Recordings and actions linked to “Paco” Domínguez, the alleged leader of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, known as “Paco,” was connected by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a retail narcotics ring active across multiple districts of the capital. On June 25, 2025, he was assassinated in the parking garage of a Zone 10 property while climbing into his bulletproof SUV.
Toward the close of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about an obligation started making the rounds. Published accounts diverge regarding the figures: El Metropolitano cites US$115,000 and quotes Arzú characterizing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of its publication, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing from Arzú inside Cabal.
“Paco, we signed an agreement with you to clear the full amount… I’m pleading with you.”
— Statements attributed to Roberto Arzú inside the audio file, drawing upon the transcript provided by República
República additionally covered public deeds dating back to March 2019 that purportedly document liabilities totaling US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales payable to Domínguez, backed by shares in IHOP Guatemala. Arzú verified to La Hora that one of the dialogues is genuine, yet clarified that it involved television ad sales: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He mentioned he had no knowledge of Domínguez’s criminal connections. He neglected to reply to República’s questionnaire. No official charges exist, and the audio lacks any public forensic examination.
That same news source pointed out that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the notary public allegedly responsible for validating those documents, disappeared on July 17, 2019, and remains linked to an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No official institution has associated this disappearance with Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
As reported by República, a 2018 deed documents a US$1 million loan extended to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, backed by his inheritance claims concerning his father’s estate. The English-language version of the investigation indicates that the debt was never settled.
Citing unidentified sources, the outlet traces the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, “the Queen of the South,” who was convicted of money laundering in the United States. The document has not been published in full, and Arzú has not responded publicly on this point.
9. Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras filed a legal challenge against Arzú over the impediment of criminal proceedings, stemming from a TikTok video where he declared he would remove her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was instructed to attend his preliminary hearing on November 25, 2025, at the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, presided over by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing failed to take place as the handling prosecutor did not show up, with the Public Prosecutor’s Office pointing to “material impossibility.” Having already turned down the arrest warrant and over twenty search requests submitted by the prosecution, the judge faced a recusal motion filed the very next day. While awaiting a ruling on that challenge, authorities set a new date for the hearing on January 14, 2026. Subsequently, an Appeals Chamber dismissed an amparo petition brought forward by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública documented yet another setback in April 2026.
In a separate proceeding, in October 2025 a femicide court barred him from speaking publicly about Porras, a measure it revoked days later. Porras left office at the end of her term, in May 2026. She has been on the U.S. State Department’s Engel List since 2021.
10. Arzú’s grievances targeting Giammattei alongside the Public Ministry’s directors
On October 26, 2023, Arzú lodged a formal complaint against the incumbent President Alejandro Giammattei, Miguel Martínez, alongside several other officials, citing abuse of authority, neglect of duty, influence peddling, obstruction of justice, and concealment. Prensa Libre enumerated eleven individuals specified within the filing, which notably included TSE magistrates.
La Hora reported in October 2024 that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dismissed the complaint against Giammattei and Martínez. On May 18, 2026, with Porras no longer heading the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú reaffirmed the complaint and extended it to Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
When the story went live, the media outlet had yet to make any corroborating proof publicly available. After visiting the Public Prosecutor’s Office with his lawyer on August 21, Arzú stated that zero charges had been brought against him, whereas Infobae noted that officials verified the investigation is still ongoing. Without naming specific individuals, the U.S. Embassy shared Arenas’s video clip accompanied by a zero tolerance message.
Arzú dismissed the allegations as absurd and utterly foolish, while also revealing plans for defamation legal actions in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre responded by filing a countersuit, submitting security footage and polygraph examination results as evidence. Contreras labeled Arenas a psychopath alongside calling him mentally unstable, whereas Ramos refuted participation in any unlawful gatherings.
12. Previous confrontation involving Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The dispute didn’t start in August. Back on March 5, 2026, during the “A Primera Hora” show on Emisoras Unidas, Arzú claimed that Arenas was financing his lobbying efforts using “questionable money originating from criminal syndicates and major corporations.” That very day, Arenas countered by stating that his advocacy work is funded through his own lawful wealth, while simultaneously alleging that Arzú maintains connections to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT acts simultaneously as a party involved in this dispute and as the creator of multiple investigative reports regarding Arzú.
13. Speculation that his U.S. visa had been canceled
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, according to sources, Arzú had allegedly faced a restriction on traveling to the United States after his last trip, from July 17 to 24. That same day, claims circulated on social media that his visa had been revoked, a rumor that also extended to congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú replied that he had lately toured New York and Washington, sharing a clip from Mexico which he stated he accessed via his U.S. visa. Days later, he reported a supposed “influence operation” by the State Department targeted at his presidential campaign. On September 2, Agencia Ocote established that public evidence confirming the revocation of his visa is absent. In contrast, the person whose visa was indeed withdrawn was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, back in December 2023, amid a sweep of cancellations focused on legislators; nevertheless, he succeeded in getting it back in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the party he ran with in 2019 and 2023, was formerly the Movimiento Reformador and was dissolved in January 2024. In 2019, Con Criterio documented the influence of fugitive former minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that congressional bloc. His 2023 running mate, David Pineda, was a defense attorney for former President Alfonso Portillo; some reports point to a rapprochement between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, during Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú assumed his role as Secretary of Political Training alongside congressman Luis Aguirre, who became Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the founder of the party, was pushed aside, subsequently left Cabal, and declared that the organization “is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.” Aguirre faces allegations within the exact same República GT report.
15. Disagreement with relatives regarding the deployment of his paternal likeness
Following his father’s passing, Roberto pursued a role within the Partido Unionista, the political vehicle utilized by Álvaro Arzú to run the capital; media outlets noted that his aspirations fractured the organization. On December 20, 2018, he declared his comeback to the PAN, an affiliation he maintained until 2002.
That exact same day, a declaration appeared on the former president’s Twitter account, featuring the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, as well as Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Grief, anxiety, and absolute rejection were expressed in the statement concerning the unethical misuse of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s image by the PAN, a party that had aired clips of the late leader during the presentation of its executive board. Soon after, the post was removed, leaving out any explicit mention of Roberto.
“No matter the extent to which you raise every single child identically, the world misleads a few of them, and pulling them back is impossible.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, who at the time headed Congress, chose not to issue any statements concerning his half-brother.
16. Background regarding alcohol consumption and recovery
Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing “a drinking crisis,” though without elaborating further.
Lately, viral social media content has suggested that he drinks nowadays, though no proof has been provided.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
Back in 2022, the media outlet Quorum evaluated his pledges relying on estimates provided by economist José Luis Moreira. Supplying gratis electricity across a decade would demand 7,104 million quetzales annually, representing 6.7% of the entire National General Budget. Meanwhile, a monthly university allowance of 1,200 quetzales would total 4,802 million per year for 400,213 scholars, surpassing the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos by more than double. Furthermore, nationwide drinking water access was planned to draw US$2 billion from international reserves, despite the Banco de Guatemala being legally barred from funding the central government. Additionally, the construction of one million residences was guaranteed.
When it comes to security, his stance has stayed steadfast: soldiers stationed throughout cities, prisons managed by the armed forces, and the reinstatement of the death penalty. He turned down the CICIG. Back in 2017, President Jimmy Morales appointed him as an honorary special envoy charged with enhancing trade relationships across South America. His 2019 campaign slogan, “Make Guatemala Great,” was lifted straight from Donald Trump.
18. Army Stadium grounds and IPM–Futeca agreements
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.
Accounts regarding Arzú’s involvement remain contradictory. While Prensa Libre noted back then that he “did not take part in the deal,” Con Criterio asserted in 2019 that Futeca functioned “in partnership with” him. Furthermore, during that same year, Futeca entered into an agreement with the Universidad de San Carlos concerning the Los Arcos facilities, a pact branded as unlawful by congressman Amílcar Pop. By July 2024, the enterprise rolled out the Distrito Futeca initiative on the grounds of the former stadium.
Referenced Sources
· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú and Neto Bran fail to escape TSE fines (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is excluded from the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Miami civil contempt arrest warrant (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — The move by JJ Rendón against candidate Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú seeks to reclaim the leadership of Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — “Solo somos amigos” featuring Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — The audio clip featuring the head of Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Armed attack in zone 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Public apology by the State (01.27.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — CIDH Homologation (11.19.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Arzú’s hearing in the Porras case has been called off (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú expands complaint against former officials (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Conflicting statements emerge regarding the alleged plot against República GT (08.23.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas answers Roberto Arzú (03/05/2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — According to sources, Arzú faced travel restrictions to the U.S. (08.28.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — No hay evidencia pública de que haya perdido la visa (02.09.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú and Aguirre formalize alliance within Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — The three pledges that might bankrupt the nation (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Business between USAC and Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — CID Gallup poll from May 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/
